Torrey Pines, California: today, against the beautiful backdrop of a US open links course with all of the excitement the best golfers in the world can bring to a major tournament, a simple wedding took place spanning two cultures. My 28-year-old nephew married a lovely Vietnamese lady. Finishing a two-year Fulbright fellowship she returns to Vietnam in 10 day’s time to honour the commitment to use her newly acquired skills at home. The groom, a double master’s degree graduate student at Duke’s Fuqua Business School, finishes this spring and will leave for Vietnam where he expects to find employment too.
His parents are concerned about having a son and daughter-in-law literally halfway around the world in a country that is as foreign to most Americans today as Mars. No doubt, both parents are reminded of and cautioned by my Vietnamese experiences some 45 years ago as the US began its military build-up and, to quote a well-worn phrase, “to pay any price and bear any burden”, which we surely did.
As a Swift boat skipper, my crew and I were assigned to our northern most base in Da Nang, South Vietnam with an operating area ranging from the 17th parallel that divided north and south (and which we would more than occasionally cross, violating the rules of engagement as men or boys of a certain age will do) to some 100 miles south to the infamous Cape Batangan peninsula and a small village that became more infamous in 1970; it was called My Lai. Even then, Batangan and My Lai were very dangerous places, producing casualties while we operated there. Indeed, a Naval Academy classmate was killed nearby when his South Vietnamese junk base was overrun by Viet Cong.
Our training in San Diego for that war ranged from the absurd to ridiculous. Much of my time was spent commuting to San Francisco to be with a then-paramour. Counter-insurgency class work mirrored the absence of understanding that ultimately doomed the Vietnam venture though one lecture remained permanently embedded in my mind. The lecturer was retired Army Lieutenant Colonel John Paul Vann who would come to prominence as a civilian advisor subsequently killed in Vietnam and the subject of a highly critical biography by Neil Sheehan called A Bright Shining Lie.
Vann extolled the virtues of the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong, turning them into adversaries of heroic proportion while decrying the incompetence and frequent cowardice of our erstwhile South Vietnamese allies. I asked Vann why the North seemed so well endowed with effective fighters and the South so sparse in comparison. His answer was unforgettable. “I guess,” he said, “God put all the good guys on the other side”.
We lost. They won. But the Vietnamese have had a rather unusual record of success, first against the Chinese a millennia ago. While it took about a century defeating the French, culminating in what the famous French historian of Vietnam, Bernard Fall, termed, “Hell in a very small place” (the battle of Dien Bien Phu in the Spring of 1954). General Vo Nguyen Giap, North Vietnam’s most capable and famous soldier, ferried over nearly impossible terrain artillery that for eight weeks bombarded the fortress into surrender. After commanding French General Christian DeCastries’ capitulation, France would withdraw from Indo China, and North Vietnam would be created.
Twenty years later, Giap defeated the US. That war cost us 58,000 dead and unknown numbers of Vietnamese on both sides killed with many more maimed and wounded. In 1979, Vietnam mauled an advancing Chinese army intent on teaching Hanoi a lesson.
Today, Vietnam’s some 90 million people are able, industrious and entrepreneurial. Economically, Vietnam is one of the so-called Asian tigers with an annual GDP growth that is between six to nine percent. A small anecdote underscores this transformation.
Hoi An was a small village near our operating base in Chu Lai. Fire fights and casualties for sailors, marines and finally army units stationed there were frequent. Today, Hoi An boasts one of the finest restaurants in the world.
As the US completes its withdrawal from Iraq and presumably starts a staged builddown from Afghanistan this summer, we can only hope that some 40 years from now, both countries will evolve as successfully as Vietnam has. Never a democracy, Vietnam is a stable and growing emerging state. Young people such as the two married today will no doubt contribute to that growth.
Whether or not Vann was correct and God put all the good guys on one side, the US needs to stand back and examine closely its role in the world and the propensity to use force too often and excessively. Our record since World War II is not good. It has taken decades for a united Vietnam to overcome the scars and ravages of war. How long it will take for us to find the right policy mix of soft and hard means to get our way still remains a very open question.
Sunday, January 9, 2011
Pakistan and its tenacity of spirit
The partition of Punjab is an event, which occurred prior to the existence of a fair market share of the modern readership of the Daily Times. But what is written on the souls of men and transferred by human tongue to the succeeding generations continues to impact the manner in which communities relate to one another.
The upheaval of the human anthill, which was both anticipated and precipitated by the Radcliffe Award, brought about, in tumultuous manner, the birth of a modern nation. Too many nations are birthed in water and blood, symbolic of the elements of cleansing and carnage. But what a blood-covered baby it was, when it was born! With nary a midwife nor a breast to suckle from the onset of first hunger, the cry, which rose up from the face of the earth echoes within the ears of historians to this day.
Politically, the first signs of hunger were seen during the 1920s when the All India Muslim League (AIML) underwent a metamorphosis from a fairly sturdy and compact political organisation concerned with adequate Muslim representation within the public government sector to an entity seeking political purchase on a much grander scale. Having acquired modest regional gains, the AIML experienced the political bifurcation which occurs when diversity of views and strong parallel opinions begin to emerge amongst the players. And, as with all such internal struggles, leadership begins to rise to the top. The names are familiar and there is no need to recount the leadership grid.
It was during the 1930s when the seeds of self-determination began to sprout within the Muslim populations emerging from under the shadow of colonialism. Whether considering the nascent political structure of Al-Ikhwan in Egypt, or the rustlings of change in Algeria in a post-WWII environment, the Muslim world was experiencing a shifting political landscape, where fertile ideas clashed with harsher realities.For the Muslims of India, the possibility of a separate piece of real estate, where a national taproot could flourish and the expression of a cohesive national identity be cultivated, exploded from the imaginations of the few to the hearts of the many in the early 1940s. There is nothing quite as tantalising and seductive as the call to freedom. And there is nothing quite as disastrous and tragic as flights to freedom accompanied by anarchy.
Aspects of the ill-clad policy — of all involved — were brought home to me in the last two months whilst I provided my skill as a copy editor to a friend. The 500-page manuscript on the partition of Punjab offered a most compelling reason for me to share my thoughts. Men were butchered, women were dishonoured and family trees stripped of their branches for the sake of Pakistan. These pictures are brutal enough. But there is one memory, which must never be forgotten. It is the memory of the many babies who were lifted aloft on spears during the birth of a nation.
Most people are not inherently brutal. Were that true, our world would not be so vastly populated. But history shows that with a certain mix of societal ingredients the mass is reduced to animal herd and mob mentality prevails. Policy measures lacking implementation capabilities harm community amity and cohesion. They are the messengers without legs. Sectarian division is a mere rumoured whisper or solitary incendiary act away when conditions are volatile enough for communal crisis. Such was the nature of the birth of the bloody baby.
Pakistan moved along in somewhat of an orphaned status from the beginning. This produced the tenacity of spirit required for survival. In more than the 60 years since the birth of a nation, the poor have done what the poor do best: procreate. This is not necessarily bad. Children are a blessing. Minus a citizenry there is no true national treasure. But the geometric nature of population requires policies, which work in a multi-streaming manner to reach all the layers of society. Citizens must be reminded of an overlay of governance with the shadow of paternal guidance to retain their belief in the good of the state.
Pakistan has many challenges, which exist as ground floor opportunities for improving the lives of the poorest of the citizens. My own childhood was spent within an indigenous tribal belt of Mexico where nine distinct tribes with their own dialects, manner of dress and traditions taught me basic lessons regarding the nature of poverty and the propensity for happiness. Leaning back on my heels whilst squatting inside cane huts to savour blue corn tortillas with fried grasshoppers, or perhaps, Oaxaca hot chocolate served in a chipped clay mug, taught me the lessons of life. The poor require a source of water, a plot of ground for a small ancestral home, and education sufficient against functional illiteracy. These things made life bearable and kept desperation at bay. My mother tells the story of visiting a home high in the mountains of the Sierra Madre where a baby less than 24 hours old had been placed in a crate and wrapped in an old shirt. The child’s mother was busily preparing a meal for the family. I have often wondered if the baby survived. My heart likes to remind me that the spirit to survive is strong, even amongst the smallest of humans.
But what must be done for Pakistan? The strength was there for the birth. But where are the political midwives to monitor the labour and birth of new policies which stream out into the communities? And where is the breast of nourishment for today? Turning populations from liability to asset requires wisdom. It also requires the hard work of policy implementation. But all that I have written today is the simplest of gifts: that of a pen dipped into an inkwell of love.
The upheaval of the human anthill, which was both anticipated and precipitated by the Radcliffe Award, brought about, in tumultuous manner, the birth of a modern nation. Too many nations are birthed in water and blood, symbolic of the elements of cleansing and carnage. But what a blood-covered baby it was, when it was born! With nary a midwife nor a breast to suckle from the onset of first hunger, the cry, which rose up from the face of the earth echoes within the ears of historians to this day.
Politically, the first signs of hunger were seen during the 1920s when the All India Muslim League (AIML) underwent a metamorphosis from a fairly sturdy and compact political organisation concerned with adequate Muslim representation within the public government sector to an entity seeking political purchase on a much grander scale. Having acquired modest regional gains, the AIML experienced the political bifurcation which occurs when diversity of views and strong parallel opinions begin to emerge amongst the players. And, as with all such internal struggles, leadership begins to rise to the top. The names are familiar and there is no need to recount the leadership grid.
It was during the 1930s when the seeds of self-determination began to sprout within the Muslim populations emerging from under the shadow of colonialism. Whether considering the nascent political structure of Al-Ikhwan in Egypt, or the rustlings of change in Algeria in a post-WWII environment, the Muslim world was experiencing a shifting political landscape, where fertile ideas clashed with harsher realities.For the Muslims of India, the possibility of a separate piece of real estate, where a national taproot could flourish and the expression of a cohesive national identity be cultivated, exploded from the imaginations of the few to the hearts of the many in the early 1940s. There is nothing quite as tantalising and seductive as the call to freedom. And there is nothing quite as disastrous and tragic as flights to freedom accompanied by anarchy.
Aspects of the ill-clad policy — of all involved — were brought home to me in the last two months whilst I provided my skill as a copy editor to a friend. The 500-page manuscript on the partition of Punjab offered a most compelling reason for me to share my thoughts. Men were butchered, women were dishonoured and family trees stripped of their branches for the sake of Pakistan. These pictures are brutal enough. But there is one memory, which must never be forgotten. It is the memory of the many babies who were lifted aloft on spears during the birth of a nation.
Most people are not inherently brutal. Were that true, our world would not be so vastly populated. But history shows that with a certain mix of societal ingredients the mass is reduced to animal herd and mob mentality prevails. Policy measures lacking implementation capabilities harm community amity and cohesion. They are the messengers without legs. Sectarian division is a mere rumoured whisper or solitary incendiary act away when conditions are volatile enough for communal crisis. Such was the nature of the birth of the bloody baby.
Pakistan moved along in somewhat of an orphaned status from the beginning. This produced the tenacity of spirit required for survival. In more than the 60 years since the birth of a nation, the poor have done what the poor do best: procreate. This is not necessarily bad. Children are a blessing. Minus a citizenry there is no true national treasure. But the geometric nature of population requires policies, which work in a multi-streaming manner to reach all the layers of society. Citizens must be reminded of an overlay of governance with the shadow of paternal guidance to retain their belief in the good of the state.
Pakistan has many challenges, which exist as ground floor opportunities for improving the lives of the poorest of the citizens. My own childhood was spent within an indigenous tribal belt of Mexico where nine distinct tribes with their own dialects, manner of dress and traditions taught me basic lessons regarding the nature of poverty and the propensity for happiness. Leaning back on my heels whilst squatting inside cane huts to savour blue corn tortillas with fried grasshoppers, or perhaps, Oaxaca hot chocolate served in a chipped clay mug, taught me the lessons of life. The poor require a source of water, a plot of ground for a small ancestral home, and education sufficient against functional illiteracy. These things made life bearable and kept desperation at bay. My mother tells the story of visiting a home high in the mountains of the Sierra Madre where a baby less than 24 hours old had been placed in a crate and wrapped in an old shirt. The child’s mother was busily preparing a meal for the family. I have often wondered if the baby survived. My heart likes to remind me that the spirit to survive is strong, even amongst the smallest of humans.
But what must be done for Pakistan? The strength was there for the birth. But where are the political midwives to monitor the labour and birth of new policies which stream out into the communities? And where is the breast of nourishment for today? Turning populations from liability to asset requires wisdom. It also requires the hard work of policy implementation. But all that I have written today is the simplest of gifts: that of a pen dipped into an inkwell of love.
China, India and Pakistan
The Pakistani media gave a lot of attention to Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to India and then Pakistan. Since we consider our friendship with China to be higher than the mountains and deeper than the oceans, it was understandably a matter of concern for us how such a friend would relate to a country with which we profess enmity that, by the same token, may be higher than all the known mountains and deeper than all the known oceans. Reliance on superlatives rather than normal expression is indeed our forte. I do not understand why we need to exaggerate some relationships and oversimplify others. The problem is that hyperbolic descriptions of our friends and enemies are delusional.
Foreign relations and foreign policy cannot reasonably be based on poetic licence, though there is no reason to ground them on cold-blooded instrumentalism either. A middle course based on facts and enlightened pragmatism is always better. Was it not so that we were once calling ourselves the most allied-ally of the US? The Americans, on the other hand, never at any stage encouraged us to make such declarations of love. Even during the Eisenhower period, the Americans were very clear that India was the paramount power in South Asia and also the only democracy.
In my forthcoming book on the role of the military in Pakistan, I have demonstrated that by the 1960s the Americans were very clear that we had entered military pacts with them to deal with India and not because of our zeal to fight communism. Of course, the US-Pakistan courtship warmed up after the Soviet Union sent troops to aid their beleaguered comrades in Afghanistan, but even then both sides were allied to each other for purely instrumental reasons.
Another example of our extravagance is the way we suck up to the Saudis. Some years ago, when one of the Saudi Kings expired, former President Musharraf declared one week of national mourning. The Saudis themselves did nothing of the sort because, from the Wahabi point of view, any such display of feelings for a human being is heresy. I think these examples should suffice to establish the point I want to make.
So then, what happened during Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to India and Pakistan? China and India agreed to increase their trade to $ 100 billion by 2015. The Chinese also promised to rectify the trade imbalance between them; at present, China exports much more than it imports from India. The Chinese premier said that there was room for both India and China to grow and therefore there was no need to go down the path of confrontation. He did not, however, make concessions on their border disputes. About India’s ambitions to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the Chinese were reticent.
The Chinese probably want to keep the pressure on India in case India gets too cosy with the Americans. The Chinese also did not agree to mention a Pakistani hand in the Mumbai terrorist attacks of November 26, 2008. Even more significant was that China advised India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir dispute through negotiations. China is no less worried than India about Pakistan becoming a springboard for a Taliban type of jihad. That could entail the Muslim-majority Xinjiang being destabilised.
Pakistan does enjoy a special status in terms of Chinese strategy to maintain a presence in South Asia. The port at Gwadar and prospective minerals in Balochistan make Pakistan dear to the Chinese. We are going to benefit from Chinese investments to the tune of $ 25 billion. China has sold us MIG aircraft and other armament and it is commonly believed in both Washington DC and Delhi that China also assisted us in becoming a nuclear power. From the Chinese point of view, an overbearing India in South Asia is not good for them. However, from this it does not follow that China would risk its own security or economic interests if we provoke a conflict with India.
In the 1965 war, the Chinese ambassador to Islamabad was advising guerrilla warfare to Pakistan when both Ayub Khan and Z A Bhutto were worried to death that the Indians could walk into Lahore anytime. I am sure the Chinese knew that the Pakistani leadership was not even remotely capable of fighting guerrilla warfare so their advice only won them brownie points and nothing more. It is foolish to believe that it was because of China that India did not invade East Pakistan in 1965. The Indians are not stupid. At that time, the Bengalis were still not alienated from West Pakistan. Equally, in November 1971, when Z A Bhutto was sent to China to solicit help in case of war with India, he returned home without any Chinese guarantees because that could have meant war — it being drawn into a war with the Soviet Union, with which India had recently entered into a 20-year treaty of mutual help.
Keeping these facts in view, if China and India can put their border disputes aside and the contentious issue of Tibet can also be set aside while they increase their trade, why can we not follow suit? Pakistan’s economic prosperity is dependent largely on us normalising relations with India. Of course it takes two to tango and we have to find out how serious India is about fair and equal trade with us. I have met many Pakistanis who say that the Indians talk with a silver tongue when it comes to generalities about trade and so on. However, when it comes to actual practice, Indian bureaucracy is narrow-minded and mean and creates such hurdles that Pakistani traders give up in frustration.
Recently, I learnt that Pakistan has challenged in Indian courts the fact that a special variety of basmati rice called Super Basmati, developed by Pakistani scientists, is now being grown in India. According to the gentleman who informed me, this is not acceptable behaviour and constitutes a breach of the law. This is only one case. More examples can be given.
Equally, Pakistan’s security depends upon normalising relations with India. One cannot reasonably claim that India constitutes a threat to us when out of the four wars with India, three were initiated by us: 1947-48, 1965 and 1999. Since we are now a nuclear power, India cannot hit us with impunity. Therefore, a reasonable basis exists for us to work out a new relationship with India. Let us find out what India really wants. This we can do without worrying about Chinese and American reactions. Pakistan is not that important for either of them.
Foreign relations and foreign policy cannot reasonably be based on poetic licence, though there is no reason to ground them on cold-blooded instrumentalism either. A middle course based on facts and enlightened pragmatism is always better. Was it not so that we were once calling ourselves the most allied-ally of the US? The Americans, on the other hand, never at any stage encouraged us to make such declarations of love. Even during the Eisenhower period, the Americans were very clear that India was the paramount power in South Asia and also the only democracy.
In my forthcoming book on the role of the military in Pakistan, I have demonstrated that by the 1960s the Americans were very clear that we had entered military pacts with them to deal with India and not because of our zeal to fight communism. Of course, the US-Pakistan courtship warmed up after the Soviet Union sent troops to aid their beleaguered comrades in Afghanistan, but even then both sides were allied to each other for purely instrumental reasons.
Another example of our extravagance is the way we suck up to the Saudis. Some years ago, when one of the Saudi Kings expired, former President Musharraf declared one week of national mourning. The Saudis themselves did nothing of the sort because, from the Wahabi point of view, any such display of feelings for a human being is heresy. I think these examples should suffice to establish the point I want to make.
So then, what happened during Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to India and Pakistan? China and India agreed to increase their trade to $ 100 billion by 2015. The Chinese also promised to rectify the trade imbalance between them; at present, China exports much more than it imports from India. The Chinese premier said that there was room for both India and China to grow and therefore there was no need to go down the path of confrontation. He did not, however, make concessions on their border disputes. About India’s ambitions to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the Chinese were reticent.
The Chinese probably want to keep the pressure on India in case India gets too cosy with the Americans. The Chinese also did not agree to mention a Pakistani hand in the Mumbai terrorist attacks of November 26, 2008. Even more significant was that China advised India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir dispute through negotiations. China is no less worried than India about Pakistan becoming a springboard for a Taliban type of jihad. That could entail the Muslim-majority Xinjiang being destabilised.
Pakistan does enjoy a special status in terms of Chinese strategy to maintain a presence in South Asia. The port at Gwadar and prospective minerals in Balochistan make Pakistan dear to the Chinese. We are going to benefit from Chinese investments to the tune of $ 25 billion. China has sold us MIG aircraft and other armament and it is commonly believed in both Washington DC and Delhi that China also assisted us in becoming a nuclear power. From the Chinese point of view, an overbearing India in South Asia is not good for them. However, from this it does not follow that China would risk its own security or economic interests if we provoke a conflict with India.
In the 1965 war, the Chinese ambassador to Islamabad was advising guerrilla warfare to Pakistan when both Ayub Khan and Z A Bhutto were worried to death that the Indians could walk into Lahore anytime. I am sure the Chinese knew that the Pakistani leadership was not even remotely capable of fighting guerrilla warfare so their advice only won them brownie points and nothing more. It is foolish to believe that it was because of China that India did not invade East Pakistan in 1965. The Indians are not stupid. At that time, the Bengalis were still not alienated from West Pakistan. Equally, in November 1971, when Z A Bhutto was sent to China to solicit help in case of war with India, he returned home without any Chinese guarantees because that could have meant war — it being drawn into a war with the Soviet Union, with which India had recently entered into a 20-year treaty of mutual help.
Keeping these facts in view, if China and India can put their border disputes aside and the contentious issue of Tibet can also be set aside while they increase their trade, why can we not follow suit? Pakistan’s economic prosperity is dependent largely on us normalising relations with India. Of course it takes two to tango and we have to find out how serious India is about fair and equal trade with us. I have met many Pakistanis who say that the Indians talk with a silver tongue when it comes to generalities about trade and so on. However, when it comes to actual practice, Indian bureaucracy is narrow-minded and mean and creates such hurdles that Pakistani traders give up in frustration.
Recently, I learnt that Pakistan has challenged in Indian courts the fact that a special variety of basmati rice called Super Basmati, developed by Pakistani scientists, is now being grown in India. According to the gentleman who informed me, this is not acceptable behaviour and constitutes a breach of the law. This is only one case. More examples can be given.
Equally, Pakistan’s security depends upon normalising relations with India. One cannot reasonably claim that India constitutes a threat to us when out of the four wars with India, three were initiated by us: 1947-48, 1965 and 1999. Since we are now a nuclear power, India cannot hit us with impunity. Therefore, a reasonable basis exists for us to work out a new relationship with India. Let us find out what India really wants. This we can do without worrying about Chinese and American reactions. Pakistan is not that important for either of them.
Predictions, past and future
My first column in this newspaper every year is about predictions I made the previous year, how right I was, and then about predictions for the new year. So first about my predictions for the past year (‘Old predictions and new’, Daily Times, January 4, 2010) and how well I did.
“President Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani and all the chief ministers and provincial governments will stay essentially where they are right now. Of these, the only person who might be at risk is PM Gilani, but I believe that he will continue in his present position.” And I was right about all of them.
“Basant of course will again be cancelled.” Right about that again.
Now to what I called the more dicey predictions. “The CJ and the higher courts will settle down into a state of ‘judicial restraint’ after their initial activist exuberance of the past year.” Wrong about that.
“The fallout of the disappearing National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) will however escalate, slowly but surely, and some of the former ‘beneficiaries’ of this law will either be forced out of government for good or at least be forced to resign until such time that that they are cleared by the courts or settle with the authorities.” Wrong about it, but perhaps we have not seen the end of this yet.
“The recipients of major loans that were ‘forgiven’ during successive past governments will be the next major category of people to be brought under investigation.” Probably not entirely wrong about it.
“The 17th Amendment will eventually go this year but not until the PPP, without whose parliamentary support no new amendment can be passed, has extracted its ‘pound of flesh’ (and blood) from the N-League leadership. I do not believe that Mian Nawaz Sharif will contest for a national assembly seat as long as the 17th Amendment is still in place.” Definitely not wrong since the amendment is history and Mr Nawaz Sharif has done nothing to upset the PPP applecart nor has he contested any bye-elections since the passage of the 18th Amendment. “A precursor to the repeal of the 17th Amendment in my opinion will be the return of the PPP as an active part of the Punjab government.” Wrong about this.
“Since I do not see any ‘mid-term’ elections happening this year, therefore I do not foresee any important structural changes in any of the major political parties this year either.” Right about that one as also about not getting a ‘national government’ during the year that just went by.
“I predict that some form of healthcare legislation will be passed this year that de-criminalises medical ‘malpractice’ with a simultaneous increase in surveillance of private medical centres and of the lax ‘certification’ process of private medical colleges and universities and of their graduates.” Right about that but no real implementation of these laws.
“Concerning load shedding, I actually believe that by the end of this year it will really become much less of a problem.” Wrong!
“It is my considered belief that the recent spate of terrorist activity will settle down as the Pakistan Army continues to put pressure on the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).” Wrong.
“About the US ‘surge’ in Afghanistan I do not think it will succeed in pacifying Afghanistan.” Right about that. “And I do not think that the Chief of Army Staff will get an extension.” Could not have been more wrong on that one.
However, nobody could possibly have predicted the disastrous floods last year. In spite of dire predictions, there have been no reports of major corruption associated with the relief efforts. Therefore, the resettlement of the displaced victims of the floods has not become a political problem and the aftermath of the floods will probably have little bearing on the political scenarios that unfold during this year.
About future predictions now. First, the easier ones. Mr Zardari will continue as the president and I do not think that there will be any ‘in-house’ change or a non-PPP government at the Centre. Also I do not foresee that the PML-N government in Punjab will be replaced by a PPP-PML-Q coalition but Mr Salmaan Taseer will most likely stay on as governor and continue to be a thorn in the side of the PML-N. Also, the MQM will stay in coalition with the PPP until such time that the assemblies are dissolved and a new election is called for.
As far as the assemblies are concerned, I think that they will be dissolved by the end of this year and elections will be held early next year. This prediction is based on the assessment that the major problems facing the country, especially terrorism, inflation, power shortages and corruption are not going to get better any time soon. Therefore, the PPP government would like to call it quits earlier rather than later and call for snap elections. The PPP would like an interim government to take over and come out sort of unencumbered to contest the next election. The only variable is going to be the duration of an ‘interim’ government since this might depend on factors that are difficult to predict at this time.
Also the blasphemy laws are here to stay and no politician in his right mind is even going to try and tinker with them. And I can predict with reasonable certainty that the most honourable superior courts of Pakistan are not going to take any suo motu actions to protect non-Muslims being falsely accused under the blasphemy laws. However, the superior courts, especially the honourable Supreme Court, will continue to pursue all wealthy ‘evildoers’ with ever greater vigilance and will in the process make Pakistan an even less business-friendly place than it is at this time.
Finally, the Pakistan Army will eventually have to take action against the ‘miscreants’ in North Waziristan once this winter is over. Not because the US wants it but because it is necessary.
“President Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani and all the chief ministers and provincial governments will stay essentially where they are right now. Of these, the only person who might be at risk is PM Gilani, but I believe that he will continue in his present position.” And I was right about all of them.
“Basant of course will again be cancelled.” Right about that again.
Now to what I called the more dicey predictions. “The CJ and the higher courts will settle down into a state of ‘judicial restraint’ after their initial activist exuberance of the past year.” Wrong about that.
“The fallout of the disappearing National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) will however escalate, slowly but surely, and some of the former ‘beneficiaries’ of this law will either be forced out of government for good or at least be forced to resign until such time that that they are cleared by the courts or settle with the authorities.” Wrong about it, but perhaps we have not seen the end of this yet.
“The recipients of major loans that were ‘forgiven’ during successive past governments will be the next major category of people to be brought under investigation.” Probably not entirely wrong about it.
“The 17th Amendment will eventually go this year but not until the PPP, without whose parliamentary support no new amendment can be passed, has extracted its ‘pound of flesh’ (and blood) from the N-League leadership. I do not believe that Mian Nawaz Sharif will contest for a national assembly seat as long as the 17th Amendment is still in place.” Definitely not wrong since the amendment is history and Mr Nawaz Sharif has done nothing to upset the PPP applecart nor has he contested any bye-elections since the passage of the 18th Amendment. “A precursor to the repeal of the 17th Amendment in my opinion will be the return of the PPP as an active part of the Punjab government.” Wrong about this.
“Since I do not see any ‘mid-term’ elections happening this year, therefore I do not foresee any important structural changes in any of the major political parties this year either.” Right about that one as also about not getting a ‘national government’ during the year that just went by.
“I predict that some form of healthcare legislation will be passed this year that de-criminalises medical ‘malpractice’ with a simultaneous increase in surveillance of private medical centres and of the lax ‘certification’ process of private medical colleges and universities and of their graduates.” Right about that but no real implementation of these laws.
“Concerning load shedding, I actually believe that by the end of this year it will really become much less of a problem.” Wrong!
“It is my considered belief that the recent spate of terrorist activity will settle down as the Pakistan Army continues to put pressure on the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).” Wrong.
“About the US ‘surge’ in Afghanistan I do not think it will succeed in pacifying Afghanistan.” Right about that. “And I do not think that the Chief of Army Staff will get an extension.” Could not have been more wrong on that one.
However, nobody could possibly have predicted the disastrous floods last year. In spite of dire predictions, there have been no reports of major corruption associated with the relief efforts. Therefore, the resettlement of the displaced victims of the floods has not become a political problem and the aftermath of the floods will probably have little bearing on the political scenarios that unfold during this year.
About future predictions now. First, the easier ones. Mr Zardari will continue as the president and I do not think that there will be any ‘in-house’ change or a non-PPP government at the Centre. Also I do not foresee that the PML-N government in Punjab will be replaced by a PPP-PML-Q coalition but Mr Salmaan Taseer will most likely stay on as governor and continue to be a thorn in the side of the PML-N. Also, the MQM will stay in coalition with the PPP until such time that the assemblies are dissolved and a new election is called for.
As far as the assemblies are concerned, I think that they will be dissolved by the end of this year and elections will be held early next year. This prediction is based on the assessment that the major problems facing the country, especially terrorism, inflation, power shortages and corruption are not going to get better any time soon. Therefore, the PPP government would like to call it quits earlier rather than later and call for snap elections. The PPP would like an interim government to take over and come out sort of unencumbered to contest the next election. The only variable is going to be the duration of an ‘interim’ government since this might depend on factors that are difficult to predict at this time.
Also the blasphemy laws are here to stay and no politician in his right mind is even going to try and tinker with them. And I can predict with reasonable certainty that the most honourable superior courts of Pakistan are not going to take any suo motu actions to protect non-Muslims being falsely accused under the blasphemy laws. However, the superior courts, especially the honourable Supreme Court, will continue to pursue all wealthy ‘evildoers’ with ever greater vigilance and will in the process make Pakistan an even less business-friendly place than it is at this time.
Finally, the Pakistan Army will eventually have to take action against the ‘miscreants’ in North Waziristan once this winter is over. Not because the US wants it but because it is necessary.
China’s long march towards capitalism
The spectacular growth rates, massive commodity production, gigantic infrastructural projects and overtaking Japan as the world’s second largest economy has brought China to the world centre-stage. Yet all these enormous advances eclipse the intense social and political tensions that are rampant in this most populous country of the planet. The Chinese economy is surging ahead with a growth rate of around 10 percent, has a huge trade surplus, holds the highest forex reserves, technologically is catching up or even surpassing the west, and has built up a formidable military machine. It also has the largest gulf between the rich and the poor, stark regional disparities and excruciating working conditions of its toilers. The scourge of unemployment has reached a figure of 150 million. A large number of workers are caged in the factories. Privatisation of land has struck havoc for the rural population. Most of the ranting about China’s development obscures the real reason for this ‘miracle’ — the revolution of 1949.
China experienced three revolutions in the 20th century. The first was the bourgeois democratic revolution of 1910-11, which was led by Sun Yat-sen. This was defeated after the Wuchang uprising was crushed. In any case, the belated bourgeoisie was economically and politically incapable of carrying out the tasks posed by history. The second revolution was that of 1925-27, which was proletarian in its nature. It was led by Ch’en Tu-hsiu, the founder of the Communist Party of China (CCP) who remained its General Secretary till 1927. This revolution was drowned in blood by the nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek. It is an irony that under pressure from Moscow, the CCP was forced to merge with the Kuomintang led by Chiang as it was in a conflict with Japanese imperialism. Ch’en and other Chinese communists had opposed the fusion with the Kuomintang. As soon as the CCP entered the Kuomintang, Chiang abandoned the fight against the Japanese and crushed the CCP, killing thousands of its activists. The third Chinese revolution of 1949 was led by Mao Zedong. It was a peasant revolt led by the Red Army, which had been organised mainly in the countryside by Mao and Chou En-lai after they had fled the urban centres in the autumn of 1927. The expropriation of landed estates was being executed during the famous Long March. This gave a large social base to the Red Army amongst the peasantry. However, it was the industrial proletariat of Nanjing, Shanghai, Canton, Peking and other cities who occupied the factories and capitalism was overthrown. But the regime that emerged was not based on the model of the Moscow of 1917 but that of the 1940s. This was a bureaucratic caricature of a democratic socialist regime set up by the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution. Still the Chinese Revolution of 1949 was one of the greatest events of human history. Capitalism and landlordism were overthrown and the imperialist yoke was smashed. It was this planned economy that brought China out of the extreme backwardness imposed by its reactionary ruling classes and the imperialist repression and plunder. China had already achieved growth rates of 11-12 percent in the 1950s. Soaring growth in a planned economy, as opposed to the market economy, rapidly uplifts society. Although many mistakes and blunders were made, rapid development took place in the fields of health, education, technology, agriculture and industry. It was this social and physical infrastructural expansion, high level of skill and vocational training that has been the root cause of the present growth in China. However, a planned socialist economy needs workers’ democracy as a human body needs oxygen. Devoid of the methodology of Marxist internationalism, isolated in a nation state, the economy began to stagnate. Mao’s strategy of the ‘Great Leap’ and the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in the 1960s failed to impede the economic decline.
The turn toward capitalist restoration started in 1978 when the right wing of the CCP led by Deng Zhao Ping was able to take charge after Mao’s death. Initially they tried to follow the policy first put forward by Nikolai Bukharin during the debate on the New Economic Policy in the Bolshevik central committee around 1920. In Russia, the Bolsheviks had rejected this policy but Deng pursued this policy of opening up the planned economy to foreign capital vigorously. They called it ‘market socialism’, which was a contradictory term in itself. The 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising and massacre startled them. They also studied the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Berlin wall. Hence their approach became more gradual and they tried to maintain the state domination of the economy. But with the opening up of China, the imperialist monopolies rushed in with massive investments. The totalitarian nature of the state was a bonus for these corporate vultures. With workers under strict control, they had a better chance of extracting higher rates of profits. The gains of the revolution through obliteration of capitalism were now being used to prop up the system in deep crisis on a world scale. An hour’s wage of a Volkswagen worker in Stuttgart equalled a month’s salary of the worker of the same company in Shenzhen. However, wherever capitalism penetrates it brings along its vices of corruption, selfishness, prostitution, crime and exploitation. After the capitalist restoration has set in, China is in the throes of ruthless exploitation and social instability. Paradoxically, through this industrial expansion the Chinese working class has become the world’s largest proletarian bastion. The strikes and struggles of this young proletariat are on the rise. In 2010 there were threefold more strikes than in the previous year. Some achieved significant victories. There are mounting pressures on the CCP from below. The CCP is neither ‘communist’ nor a ‘party’. It is a bureaucratic elite where billionaires are leeching the system and awarding themselves a heredity status in private property and ownership. With massive export of capital, it assumes an imperialist character. This is a blatant desecration of communism. Splits in the ruling elite are sharpening. The process of capitalist restoration has been the cause of volatile contradictions in society. They will explode with volcanic eruptions. Once the mighty Chinese proletariat enters the arena of class struggle, a revolutionary socio-economic transformation will be inexorable. As Napoleon once said, “When China awakes, the whole world will tremble.”
China experienced three revolutions in the 20th century. The first was the bourgeois democratic revolution of 1910-11, which was led by Sun Yat-sen. This was defeated after the Wuchang uprising was crushed. In any case, the belated bourgeoisie was economically and politically incapable of carrying out the tasks posed by history. The second revolution was that of 1925-27, which was proletarian in its nature. It was led by Ch’en Tu-hsiu, the founder of the Communist Party of China (CCP) who remained its General Secretary till 1927. This revolution was drowned in blood by the nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek. It is an irony that under pressure from Moscow, the CCP was forced to merge with the Kuomintang led by Chiang as it was in a conflict with Japanese imperialism. Ch’en and other Chinese communists had opposed the fusion with the Kuomintang. As soon as the CCP entered the Kuomintang, Chiang abandoned the fight against the Japanese and crushed the CCP, killing thousands of its activists. The third Chinese revolution of 1949 was led by Mao Zedong. It was a peasant revolt led by the Red Army, which had been organised mainly in the countryside by Mao and Chou En-lai after they had fled the urban centres in the autumn of 1927. The expropriation of landed estates was being executed during the famous Long March. This gave a large social base to the Red Army amongst the peasantry. However, it was the industrial proletariat of Nanjing, Shanghai, Canton, Peking and other cities who occupied the factories and capitalism was overthrown. But the regime that emerged was not based on the model of the Moscow of 1917 but that of the 1940s. This was a bureaucratic caricature of a democratic socialist regime set up by the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution. Still the Chinese Revolution of 1949 was one of the greatest events of human history. Capitalism and landlordism were overthrown and the imperialist yoke was smashed. It was this planned economy that brought China out of the extreme backwardness imposed by its reactionary ruling classes and the imperialist repression and plunder. China had already achieved growth rates of 11-12 percent in the 1950s. Soaring growth in a planned economy, as opposed to the market economy, rapidly uplifts society. Although many mistakes and blunders were made, rapid development took place in the fields of health, education, technology, agriculture and industry. It was this social and physical infrastructural expansion, high level of skill and vocational training that has been the root cause of the present growth in China. However, a planned socialist economy needs workers’ democracy as a human body needs oxygen. Devoid of the methodology of Marxist internationalism, isolated in a nation state, the economy began to stagnate. Mao’s strategy of the ‘Great Leap’ and the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in the 1960s failed to impede the economic decline.
The turn toward capitalist restoration started in 1978 when the right wing of the CCP led by Deng Zhao Ping was able to take charge after Mao’s death. Initially they tried to follow the policy first put forward by Nikolai Bukharin during the debate on the New Economic Policy in the Bolshevik central committee around 1920. In Russia, the Bolsheviks had rejected this policy but Deng pursued this policy of opening up the planned economy to foreign capital vigorously. They called it ‘market socialism’, which was a contradictory term in itself. The 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising and massacre startled them. They also studied the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Berlin wall. Hence their approach became more gradual and they tried to maintain the state domination of the economy. But with the opening up of China, the imperialist monopolies rushed in with massive investments. The totalitarian nature of the state was a bonus for these corporate vultures. With workers under strict control, they had a better chance of extracting higher rates of profits. The gains of the revolution through obliteration of capitalism were now being used to prop up the system in deep crisis on a world scale. An hour’s wage of a Volkswagen worker in Stuttgart equalled a month’s salary of the worker of the same company in Shenzhen. However, wherever capitalism penetrates it brings along its vices of corruption, selfishness, prostitution, crime and exploitation. After the capitalist restoration has set in, China is in the throes of ruthless exploitation and social instability. Paradoxically, through this industrial expansion the Chinese working class has become the world’s largest proletarian bastion. The strikes and struggles of this young proletariat are on the rise. In 2010 there were threefold more strikes than in the previous year. Some achieved significant victories. There are mounting pressures on the CCP from below. The CCP is neither ‘communist’ nor a ‘party’. It is a bureaucratic elite where billionaires are leeching the system and awarding themselves a heredity status in private property and ownership. With massive export of capital, it assumes an imperialist character. This is a blatant desecration of communism. Splits in the ruling elite are sharpening. The process of capitalist restoration has been the cause of volatile contradictions in society. They will explode with volcanic eruptions. Once the mighty Chinese proletariat enters the arena of class struggle, a revolutionary socio-economic transformation will be inexorable. As Napoleon once said, “When China awakes, the whole world will tremble.”
2010: a year of turmoil
The year 2010 was a mixed bag for Pakistan. There were some positive aspects, but mostly the year was one of sorrow and pain. Pakistan faced political turmoil, economic woes and terrorism. The positives of 2010 included the 18th Amendment and the NFC Award, both of which empowered the provinces. The passage of the 19th Amendment with consensus averted an executive-judiciary clash. Renowned human rights activist Asma Jahangir’s victory in the SCBA presidential elections raised hopes that the judiciary will maintain its independence but will not destabilise the democratic process. It remains to be seen what 2011 has in store for the country, but a recap of events in 2010 might shed some light on the shape of things to come.
It is quite interesting to note that on the first day of last year, this paper carried a headline: “‘N’ not a friendly opposition: Zardari” (Daily Times, January 1, 2010) and on December 31, 2010, the headline read: ‘PML-N won’t support PPP govt: Nawaz’. Coming full circle, are we? The coalition government led by the PPP is facing some trouble after the JUI-F decided to call it quits. On top of that, the MQM opted to give up its ministries in the federal cabinet but will continue to sit on the treasury benches and remain part of the coalition government in Sindh for the time being. Efforts are underway by President Zardari to save the coalition. Right now he is in Karachi to discuss matters with the MQM and address their grievances. Meanwhile, the PPP is also trying to woo the JUI-F back into the coalition but Maulana Fazlur Rehman is proving to be a tough nut to crack this time round. Critics are now describing the PPP’s policy of reconciliation as ‘appeasement’. Instead of giving them short shrift, the PPP seems to be inclined to contemplate giving in to even some unjustified demands of its coalition partners. This shows the level of insecurity the PPP is feeling right now. President Zardari apprised PML-N chief Mian Nawaz Sharif about the current political imbroglio and has asked for his help in assisting the government to pull the country out from its crises. Though Mian sahib has said that his party will not support the PPP government, he does not want the military to come back to power either. So far, the PML-N is honouring this part at least of the Charter of Democracy (CoD) as far as civil-military relations are concerned. Mr Sharif seems to have learnt his lesson and is now one of the most vocal voices against military dictatorship. With the exception of the MQM, whose chief Altaf Hussain called for “patriotic generals” to save Pakistan, all political parties are on the same page vis-à-vis martial law. Even the MQM had to backtrack on its call as it did not fly well.
WikiLeaks recently revealed the ‘strange’ civil-military relations that were discussed in the US embassy cables. The cables hinted at the backdoor political moves by army chief General Kayani. Despite that, a three-year extension was granted to General Kayani. With all the misgivings about the resentment within the military and the bad precedent that it sets for people who do not retire when the time comes, our security situation demanded sticking to General Kayani. General Kayani publicly has been supporting the democratic government and the system.
Apart from the political situation, the economy seems to be facing a downward spiral and inflation has increased at an alarming pace. It has become difficult for the masses to survive under the circumstances. The IMF may have given us a lease of life by extending their Standby Arrangement for another nine months but unless the government is able to create consensus on the RGST, the government’s revenues will take a hit. The government should set its own house in order by exercising belt-tightening and not go on merrily as before. This would create credibility for the government and may assist in creating a consensus on the RGST. The government also needs to sort out the state-owned enterprises with better management and tackle the energy crisis that is causing misery for the people at large.
The economy was hit hard by the worst ever floods in our history, due to which more than 20 million people were affected. The flood affectees are still waiting for rehabilitation because of donor fatigue and corruption charges against the government. The people of Pakistan must not forget their fellow citizens who are in need of utmost help.
The situation in Balochistan is going from bad to worse, what with the number of missing persons increasing and targeted killings of the Baloch continuing. The sad truth is that the elected politicians are not in control in the province and the FC is running a parallel government there. The Baloch insurgents are fighting for their just rights unlike the terrorists in other parts of Pakistan. The Baloch imbroglio is basically a political issue and can only be tackled through a political settlement, not the use of military might.
The terrorists wreaked havoc last year. Not only did they attack the security forces, markets and processions, many Sufi shrines were also attacked. Most notably, the attacks at Data Darbar in Lahore, Baba Farid Ganj Shakar’s shrine in Pakpattan, and Abdullah Shah Ghazi’s shrine in Karachi not only killed dozens of people but also sent a message that the terrorists considered the people’s Sufi traditions as an obstacle in the imposition of their extremist agenda. On May 28, 2010, two Ahmedi worship places were attacked by the religious zealots in Lahore. Though the attacks against a minority were condemned all across the nation, the mullahs showed their usual apathy when it comes to the Ahmedis. It was a shameful day in our history because we were unable to protect an already persecuted community.
The only silver lining is that the PPP has been able to form a political consensus in favour of the war on terror. Apart from the religious parties, all others are on board and oppose the Taliban. We saw an increase in the number of drone attacks last year. WikiLeaks confirmed the ruling elite’s complicity in the drone attacks despite their public disapproval. Now the task ahead is to launch a military operation in North Waziristan. But if recent reports are correct that the militants are being shifted to Kurram Agency, the North Waziristan operation, if and when mounted, is unlikely to yield the expected results.
The case of Aasia Bibi once again brought into the limelight the Blasphemy Law, a flawed law open to abuse, which should not be retained on our statute books. The mullahs have shown their strength by putting the government on the back foot through pressure tactics, but if the extremist religious right continues to be appeased, our minorities and citizens generally will continue to fear for their lives. It is time to repeal or at the very least amend this law.
Our political class may have matured to a certain extent but there is no room for complacency. Far more needs to be done for the consolidation and progress of democracy. The sorry history of military dictatorships needs to be done away with and democracy, despite its flaws and warts, must be allowed to flourish. Our survival depends on it.
It is quite interesting to note that on the first day of last year, this paper carried a headline: “‘N’ not a friendly opposition: Zardari” (Daily Times, January 1, 2010) and on December 31, 2010, the headline read: ‘PML-N won’t support PPP govt: Nawaz’. Coming full circle, are we? The coalition government led by the PPP is facing some trouble after the JUI-F decided to call it quits. On top of that, the MQM opted to give up its ministries in the federal cabinet but will continue to sit on the treasury benches and remain part of the coalition government in Sindh for the time being. Efforts are underway by President Zardari to save the coalition. Right now he is in Karachi to discuss matters with the MQM and address their grievances. Meanwhile, the PPP is also trying to woo the JUI-F back into the coalition but Maulana Fazlur Rehman is proving to be a tough nut to crack this time round. Critics are now describing the PPP’s policy of reconciliation as ‘appeasement’. Instead of giving them short shrift, the PPP seems to be inclined to contemplate giving in to even some unjustified demands of its coalition partners. This shows the level of insecurity the PPP is feeling right now. President Zardari apprised PML-N chief Mian Nawaz Sharif about the current political imbroglio and has asked for his help in assisting the government to pull the country out from its crises. Though Mian sahib has said that his party will not support the PPP government, he does not want the military to come back to power either. So far, the PML-N is honouring this part at least of the Charter of Democracy (CoD) as far as civil-military relations are concerned. Mr Sharif seems to have learnt his lesson and is now one of the most vocal voices against military dictatorship. With the exception of the MQM, whose chief Altaf Hussain called for “patriotic generals” to save Pakistan, all political parties are on the same page vis-à-vis martial law. Even the MQM had to backtrack on its call as it did not fly well.
WikiLeaks recently revealed the ‘strange’ civil-military relations that were discussed in the US embassy cables. The cables hinted at the backdoor political moves by army chief General Kayani. Despite that, a three-year extension was granted to General Kayani. With all the misgivings about the resentment within the military and the bad precedent that it sets for people who do not retire when the time comes, our security situation demanded sticking to General Kayani. General Kayani publicly has been supporting the democratic government and the system.
Apart from the political situation, the economy seems to be facing a downward spiral and inflation has increased at an alarming pace. It has become difficult for the masses to survive under the circumstances. The IMF may have given us a lease of life by extending their Standby Arrangement for another nine months but unless the government is able to create consensus on the RGST, the government’s revenues will take a hit. The government should set its own house in order by exercising belt-tightening and not go on merrily as before. This would create credibility for the government and may assist in creating a consensus on the RGST. The government also needs to sort out the state-owned enterprises with better management and tackle the energy crisis that is causing misery for the people at large.
The economy was hit hard by the worst ever floods in our history, due to which more than 20 million people were affected. The flood affectees are still waiting for rehabilitation because of donor fatigue and corruption charges against the government. The people of Pakistan must not forget their fellow citizens who are in need of utmost help.
The situation in Balochistan is going from bad to worse, what with the number of missing persons increasing and targeted killings of the Baloch continuing. The sad truth is that the elected politicians are not in control in the province and the FC is running a parallel government there. The Baloch insurgents are fighting for their just rights unlike the terrorists in other parts of Pakistan. The Baloch imbroglio is basically a political issue and can only be tackled through a political settlement, not the use of military might.
The terrorists wreaked havoc last year. Not only did they attack the security forces, markets and processions, many Sufi shrines were also attacked. Most notably, the attacks at Data Darbar in Lahore, Baba Farid Ganj Shakar’s shrine in Pakpattan, and Abdullah Shah Ghazi’s shrine in Karachi not only killed dozens of people but also sent a message that the terrorists considered the people’s Sufi traditions as an obstacle in the imposition of their extremist agenda. On May 28, 2010, two Ahmedi worship places were attacked by the religious zealots in Lahore. Though the attacks against a minority were condemned all across the nation, the mullahs showed their usual apathy when it comes to the Ahmedis. It was a shameful day in our history because we were unable to protect an already persecuted community.
The only silver lining is that the PPP has been able to form a political consensus in favour of the war on terror. Apart from the religious parties, all others are on board and oppose the Taliban. We saw an increase in the number of drone attacks last year. WikiLeaks confirmed the ruling elite’s complicity in the drone attacks despite their public disapproval. Now the task ahead is to launch a military operation in North Waziristan. But if recent reports are correct that the militants are being shifted to Kurram Agency, the North Waziristan operation, if and when mounted, is unlikely to yield the expected results.
The case of Aasia Bibi once again brought into the limelight the Blasphemy Law, a flawed law open to abuse, which should not be retained on our statute books. The mullahs have shown their strength by putting the government on the back foot through pressure tactics, but if the extremist religious right continues to be appeased, our minorities and citizens generally will continue to fear for their lives. It is time to repeal or at the very least amend this law.
Our political class may have matured to a certain extent but there is no room for complacency. Far more needs to be done for the consolidation and progress of democracy. The sorry history of military dictatorships needs to be done away with and democracy, despite its flaws and warts, must be allowed to flourish. Our survival depends on it.
Saturday, January 1, 2011
Do you know popcorn bursting with nutrients?
There's no doubt broccoli, watercress and acai berries are overflowing with healthy vitamins and minerals, but what about the foods we actually want to eat? As a new study reveals that the once-demonised egg should be regarded as a 'superfood' (it's packed with vital antioxidants and nutrients).
The humble cinema snack could prevent cancer and help dieters.
'Most people don't know that popcorn is a wholegrain shown to reduce the risk of heart disease and cancer, and just a 30g serving - that's half a small box of popcorn in the cinema - is equivalent to one daily portion of brown rice or whole-wheat pasta,' says Catherine Collins, chief dietician at St George's hospital in London.
Popcorn also contains three times more fibre by weight than sunflower seeds, keeping you feeling fuller for longer, as well as balancing your blood sugar levels (so no mood swings or cravings for sweet snacks) and helping to lower 'bad' LDL cholesterol. It even has a dose of B vitamins to boost your energy levels.
A study presented last August to the American Chemical Society suggests the real health benefits could lie more in its 'surprisingly large' polyphenol content, antioxidants thought to mop up free radicals, the potentially damaging chemicals that cause diseases such as cancer and heart disease.
The humble cinema snack could prevent cancer and help dieters.
'Most people don't know that popcorn is a wholegrain shown to reduce the risk of heart disease and cancer, and just a 30g serving - that's half a small box of popcorn in the cinema - is equivalent to one daily portion of brown rice or whole-wheat pasta,' says Catherine Collins, chief dietician at St George's hospital in London.
Popcorn also contains three times more fibre by weight than sunflower seeds, keeping you feeling fuller for longer, as well as balancing your blood sugar levels (so no mood swings or cravings for sweet snacks) and helping to lower 'bad' LDL cholesterol. It even has a dose of B vitamins to boost your energy levels.
A study presented last August to the American Chemical Society suggests the real health benefits could lie more in its 'surprisingly large' polyphenol content, antioxidants thought to mop up free radicals, the potentially damaging chemicals that cause diseases such as cancer and heart disease.
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